by Philip Coppens from PhilipCoppens Website
The drive to uncover “the truth” about the UFO phenomenon is
often believed to be an “us versus them” situation: the people
versus the evil government. But in the 1990s, it became clear that
this was not the case. Instead, it became apparent that it were “CIA
assets” that were briefing that the CIA had secrets. A rather
incestuous relationship… |
One leading
and influential advocate of the Extraterrestrial Hypothesis and the
Contact Scenario was Dr. Bruce Maccabee, a former US Navy physicist. Maccabee
became prominent in the UFO field in the mid 1970s, and was a founding
member of the Fund for UFO Research (FUFOR), whose primary
purpose was to give grants to UFO researchers to further “the cause”: the
study and disclosure of “the truth” about UFOs – and their “obvious”
alien, extra-terrestrial nature.
FUFOR has since played a major role in the dissemination
of key aspects of the Contact Scenario. For example, it gave Stanton
Friedman a grant of $16,000 to authenticate the MJ-12 documents. When
these false documents were released in 1987, Maccabee was their greatest
supporter.
Bill Clinton and Al Gore (left)
Both by his
position and his reputation, Maccabee was an influential figure in UFO
research, and his support for several sensational - but controversial -
cases has led to their general acceptance by other researchers who, in
turn, have promoted them to the public. As such, the UFO myth became
firmly embedded within society.
Furthermore, his rise to prominence was due to his claim that
he had evidence that the CIA were withholding thousands of files
relating to UFOs – a claim that has greatly encouraged the belief in a
cover-up and, by extension, that there is something to be covered
up.
But while
supporting many of the more sensational UFO cases, Maccabee has
also used his influence to down-play evidence that supports a more
conventional explanation of the UFO phenomenon. For example, when the
declassified CIA documents relating to the use of UFOs as a cover for spy
plane sightings were released in 1997, he argued vociferously – and
successfully – that these were of no significance.
Most
importantly, Maccabee worked closely with William Moore, for
example on investigating an alleged UFO landing near Kirtland AFB in 1980
– using information supplied by Sergeant Richard Doty – the
government’s UFO disinformation agent par excellence. Moore later
admitted he had spread disinformation on behalf of the government,
promoting the UFO myth.
Maccabee might just be gullible – not
uncommon amongst UFO researchers – but in 1993, fellow UFO researchers
discovered that Maccabee maintained close links with the CIA. When
challenged, he admitted that, since 1979 (i.e. for 14 years), he had
indeed regularly briefed the CIA at their Langley, Virginia headquarters
on developments in the UFO field, but denied that his involvement went any
deeper than that. Many in the UFO community once again accepted his word
for it – the alternative was probably too hard to ponder. But if it was
all innocent, why had Maccabee failed to explain why he kept these
briefings secret for 14 years?
It is ironic that a leading member
of an organization that is pledged to challenge official secrecy about
UFOs – and one of the main proponents of the idea that the CIA are
withholding thousands of documents on the subject – should have such a
long-standing, secret relationship with that very agency. In the end,
Maccabee’s reassurances failed to convince some, including his close
friend and fellow FUFOR board member, Richard Hall.
The
drive that the government – and specifically the CIA – is involved in an
“alien cover-up” was paramount throughout the 1990s, popularized by the
existence of “The X Files”, which in the eyes of the UFO community seemed
to “validate” them. John Podesta, working in Clinton’s government,
was apparently such a fan of the series that after an episode of the
series, he came to work wondering what aspects of the show were based on
fact and which government agent that reported into the White House was
lying to the President.
Bruce Maccabbee (left) and Stanton
Friedman
The role of
the CIA within the UFO enigma is bizarre at best. It has often dangled
carrots in front of people, and the agency is not alone. In 1989, former
NASA scientist Robert Oeschler claimed that he had been
invited by top USAF officials to participate in an exercise to finally
reveal the existence of extraterrestrials to the public. He was shown
photographs, including one of a “typical grey alien”, and was taken to a
“top-secret tracking station” off the Florida Coast where he was allowed
to see what was described as UFOs being monitored during their flights
over US and surrounding airspace. Oeschler publicized this information,
although the promised official revelations did not materialize.
Raising
hopes of imminent revelations, yet nothing materializing is probably the
best gimmick in these exercises, whereby each non-revelation is seen as
further proof that there is a cover-up in place and that the forces of
evil have once again stopped full disclosure.
And what to
make of Oeschler’s taped conversations with Admiral Robert Inman,
former head of the NSA and deputy director of the CIA, in
which Inman admitted that the US government had recovered crashed UFOs?
Inman warned Oeschler that the conversations were secret because of
national security considerations, and that the tapes could not be used
without official approval. Yet Oeschler was allowed to broadcast
them – supposedly revealing the greatest military secret in
existence – on television with complete impunity.
It seems
that Oeschler was honestly reporting what he had seen and been told – yet
all his information came from military and intelligence sources. Is it
likely that the likes of Inman would have been truthful in such
allegations? And if so, why were they allowed to get away with it? It may
also be significant that Oeschler’s greatest supporter and advocate was
Bruce Maccabee.
Dr Maccabee’s most controversial endorsement was of
the Gulf Breeze sightings and their primary witness, Ed
Walters. In the late 1980s, Walters claimed to have taken photographs
of UFOs over the Florida coast. Maccabee proclaimed the photographs
genuine, an opinion that was hotly disputed by professional photo
analysts. Even when an accomplice of Walters confessed to having faked
them, Maccabee refused to admit that the photographs were
fabricated.
Maccabee and the supporters of the Gulf Breeze
sightings argued that shortly after Walter’s initial claims, other
people began to report seeing anomalous lights in the sky over the Gulf
Breeze area – suggesting the Gulf Breeze sightings were genuine,
irrelevant of faked photographs. But curiously, the phenomena only
manifested at certain, regular times, specifically when civilians had
gathered to see them. Significantly, Gulf Breeze is surrounded by military
installations, one of which is specifically charged with psychological
warfare experiments.
In 1994, a group of very senior power brokers
in the USA tried to promote the Contact Scenario to leading
politicians – including the President Clinton himself. Though some
presidents before him, like Jimmy Carter, had been interested in
UFOs after apparently seeing one from an airplane, Clinton was apparently
a fan of science-fiction and genuinely interested in UFOs.
Laurance Rockefeller (left), going for a walk with
Dick Cheney
The group of
influential and rich people that tried to put UFOs on the political agenda
was presided over by their most senior figure: Laurence
Rockefeller, whose wealth and influence gave him access to the top
level of American – and international – society. As the grandson of John D. Rockefeller, the founder of the
dynasty, and brother of John D. III, Nelson, Winthrop, and
David Rockefeller, he was at the centre of American politics. It was
therefore no problem for Rockefeller to brief President Clinton on UFOs
while the president was staying at Rockefeller’s Wyoming Ranch in August
1995.
The
Rockefeller group’s aim was to convince world leaders of the reality of
the Contact Scenario, and to persuade them to make a public
announcement to this effect. As the evidence suggests, it came very close
to such an announcement.
As part of the UFO temptation of the
President, an informal discussion was held in September 1993 at
Rockefeller’s ranch in Wyoming. Those attending included:
-
Richard
Farley
-
Bob
Teets
-
Henry
Diamond
-
Dr. Scott
Jones
-
Dr. John
Mack
-
Dr. Bruce
Maccabee
-
Dr. Leo
Sprinkle
-
Linda
Moulton Howe
-
Dr. Steven Greer
-
Marie
Galbraith
-
Keith
Thompson
Each of these
participants were leading UFO researchers or promising new
lights.
Dr. Jill
Tartar, then director of SETI, was also invited to the meeting,
but declined, stating some of the attendees were “not scientific”. A
similar response was received from Carl Sagan, citing a scheduling
conflict. He later argued that anything he had to say on the subject had
been said in his recent book, “The Demon-Haunted World”.
A key
though relatively unknown attendant was Scott Jones, then President
of an organization called the “Human Potential Foundation”, to which
Rockefeller donated no less than $700,000 for research into the social
effects of the public revelation of alien contact, and into the most
effective methods for lobbying Congress. The Foundation was established by
Jones’s employer, veteran Senator Claiborne Pell, one-time head of
Congress’s Foreign Relations Committee, and a great influence on
Vice President Al Gore, who was equally said to be interested in
UFOs and “strange phenomena”.
In 1993, Rockefeller and Jones met
with Jack Gibbons, Clinton’s chief science advisor, using a
briefing paper “Matrix of UFO Beliefs” as the backbone of their
presentation.
That
document had been written by investigative journalist Richard
Farley. When asked about its general line of reasoning, Farley stated
that,
“the paper
reflects my assumption that, for at least some publicly perceived
‘UFOs’, various of our government’s branches would be expected to know
very well what may have been witnessed.”
In short,
Farley suggested that UFOs were often a label stuck by government
branches on top secret flights, experiments, etc. Farley did
not seem to argue for the extra-terrestrial nature of the
phenomenon.
This, of
course, was not conform to Contact Scenario that most of the
Rockefeller group subscribed to, so it was no surprise to see that in
1994, Farley resigned, stating “I ultimately disagreed on the timing and
dynamics of ‘what to push and when.’” Farley underlined that he had a
serious concern that UFOs were being used as “camouflage for exotic
aerospace and directed energy technologies.” Though Farley had left, Jones
too warned about UFOs being used to cloak other highly classified
projects. And though he left, it seems that Farley then tried to brief the
Clinton administration of his individual beliefs too.
The same
happened to Jacques Vallee,
considered to be a leading and most esteemed UFO researcher. Vallee had
been offered a position helping with the Disclosure Initiative, but
he declined, only to write directly to Gibbons to present his own UFO
views, which differed from those ideas Rockefeller was presenting. Vallee
offered to meet with Gibbons either in San Francisco or Washington or at
Gibbons convenience.
Despite
Vallee’s high profile in the UFO community, Gibbons turned Vallee down
cold. It is remarkable that Gibbons was interested in talking to
Rockefeller about the Contact Scenario but not with Vallee, who is
not a proponent of “crashed saucers” stories – and it seems Gibbons was
not interested in hearing such “other possibilities”.
C.B. Scott Jones
After an
initial meeting, a second briefing paper, aimed towards the Central
Intelligence Agency, was prepared by none other than Bruce
Maccabee. And with the CIA, we come to the crux of
Rockefeller’s – and the Clinton’s – interest: Roswell. The first and most
important test case where declassification had to apply, according to
Rockefeller, was the Roswell UFO incident. By 1994, a whole series
of books had been written on the infamous story, starting in the late
1970s, when the story had been resurrected from oblivion by William
Moore, apparently at a time when he was not yet a willing
disinformation agent.
Rockefeller repeatedly argued along the lines that,
“There is a
belief in many quarters that the government has long held classified
information regarding UFOs which has not been released and that the
failure to do so has brought about unnecessary suspicion and distrust.
Many believe that the release of such information, if it exists, on a
basis consistent with national security considerations, would be a
significant gesture which would increase confidence in government.”
That was indeed
a noble sentiment and throughout the entire initiative, there is no
evidence to suggest that Rockefeller was insincere; he seems to have been
convinced the government was covering up ET and he tried to uncover the
truth.
Rockefeller and Greer’s pressure was able to convince
Director of Central Intelligence Woolsey to request full
disclosure on the Roswell crash. The outcome was a review of the UFO
material, in which the emphasis shifted from the CIA to the Air Force. The
conclusion of the report was that the Air Force had lied about more than
half of its public statements regarding UFOs from the 1950s onwards. Why?
To cover for covert CIA operations.
The report
argued that more than half of the UFO sightings during the 1950s and 1960s
were actually not UFOs, but misidentified secret spy planes such as the
U-2 and SR-71. The damaging part to the Air Force was the report’s author,
Richard Haines’ allegation that the Air Force Project Blue Book, set up to
investigate UFO reports, actually consulted with the CIA U-2 staff
personnel in Washington, and helped to co-ordinate dismissive explanations
for the public to cover for the CIA aerial spy operations. In short, the
report concluded that the public had been lied to, for decades, by both
the Air Force and the CIA, and that UFOs were nothing but a
smokescreen. The Contact Scenario had been a public illusion, painted
on top of the official lies that masked something else – something more
mundane.
Rockefeller largely felt – and so did most of the UFO
community with him – that despite claims that this was the truth, these
series of reports were more disinformation. The reports were seen as
evidence of how powerful the true powerbrokers of the alien cover-up
really were.
Rockefeller continued and prepared a special briefing
paper for select politicians, heads of state, and CEOs. In this, he
engaged the help of Marie “Bootsie” Galbraith, wife of investment
banker Evan Galbraith and one-time US ambassador to France. Galbraith
wanted to compile a report containing the most reliable evidence for the
paranormal nature of UFOs. Though the final 169-page document was less
than impressive in scope and was largely a survey of a “best of the year
19XX UFO sightings and incidents”, the effort was remarkable as she
managed to unite under the temporary banner of the UFO Research
Coalition: CUFOS (Center for UFO Studies), FUFOR (Fund for UFO Research) and MUFON (Mutual UFO Network), the three leading
UFO organizations which were seldom willing to co-operate.
Among the
cases selected for inclusion in this report were the Belgian wave and the
Rendlesham Forest Incident – two cases in which there is a suspicious
degree of military and intelligence involvement – and two cases which
could have been part of a psychological warfare exercise.
When the
Report was finished, Rockefeller did not request many copies for himself.
The copies he did request went to General Colin Powell, then former
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs and later Secretary of State,
former Secretary of State for President Nixon Henry Kissinger,
evangelist Billy Graham, and founder of the Earth Council and
Secretary General of the landmark 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro
Maurice F. Strong. It
reveals the political clout Rockefeller’s initiative had and the extent of
his desire to convince the world of the Contact
Scenario.
James Woolsey
As mentioned,
Rockefeller was not the only person trying to interest president
Clinton. On December 13, 1993, Steven Greer met with the
“principal advisor to the President for Intelligence matters related to
national security,” DCI James Woolsey. It was the first of many UFO
briefings that Greer would do for members of the Clinton administration.
Though Greer later claimed this was a three hour briefing which was well
received by Woolsey, the director of Central Intelligence later stated
that the “briefing” was actually a conversation over dinner, in which
Greer was one of the guests. Another target of Greer was Bruce
Lindsay, one of Clinton’s senior councilors in the White House and one
of his closest friends and Al Gore and his staff.
Though at
first firmly in Rockefeller’s camp, it seems that soon, Greer decided not
play in the team, but make the briefings a personal ambition. An exact
reason for the split has never been communicated, but it is believed that
the disagreement between Greer and the Rockefeller group was about Greer’s
contention that most if not all abductions were the result of US covert
black operation paramilitary units simulating “alien abductions” through
“reverse-engineered ET technologies.” This was a spin-off of the Contact
Scenario, but perhaps one step the Rockefeller group did not want to reach
out for.
Greer has
since become known as one of the key collectors of “UFO whistleblowers”
and since 1993, he hoped to gain amnesty for witnesses involved in
classified UFO activities, so they could tell their stories without fear
of reprisal. Why such amnesty was specifically required is a good
question, for none of these alleged whistleblowers have never been
prosecuted, let alone arrested. After Rockefeller’s attempts to achieve
full disclosure ceased (and the Clinton administration became embroiled in
the Monica Lewinsky scandal ), Greer became the only person
collating stories of often anonymous “whistleblowers” claiming the
Contact Scenario was true.
Greer’s exposure to
“whistleblowers” has led him to one conclusion: that the President and his
advisors had not been honestly briefed on the UFO subject. According to
Greer, any briefing that might have occurred, would have been an exercise
in disinformation. His “deep throat” informants had all stated that
neither the DCI nor the President were aware of what was truly going on.
And hence, Greer saw Clinton as a fellow victim.
It seems
Rockefeller and Co. were able to convince the president of their
conclusion. For example, the President was convinced of Rockefeller’s
claim that the 1994 official Roswell report was a smokescreen and that he
was being kept out of the loop on matters related to UFOs. His lack of
faith was most evident during a November 1995 speech in Belfast, Northern
Ireland, when he read a letter from a thirteen-year-old Belfast boy named
Ryan dealing with Roswell.
“I got a
letter from 13-year-old Ryan from Belfast. Now, Ryan, if you’re out in
the crowd tonight, here’s the answer to your question. No, as far as I
know, an alien spacecraft did not crash in Roswell, New Mexico, in 1947.
(Laughter.) And, Ryan, if the United States Air Force did recover alien
bodies, they didn’t tell me about it, either, and I want to know.”
(Applause.)
Though this
response may seem ad hoc and personal, we should note that all speeches by
the president are carefully prepared – however much they may appear to be
unrehearsed.
Rockefeller clearly had the White House talking
about UFOs. The biggest players, Clinton, Gore and
Woolsey, were convinced that sections of the government were
withholding key information from them. Roswell seems to have acted as a
catalyst throughout most of these discussions and beliefs.
As
mentioned, Rockefeller’s role was of a genuinely interested party. But
evidence suggests he too was being played, and that the trail led – via
Maccabee and others – back to the CIA. In short, the puppet masters were
unknown operatives within the Intelligence Community, trying to convince
the president they had items in their possession that the president did
not know about. The obvious question would be: why play such games? Even
if such information was in their possession, why not simply reveal this
material – if that is truly what they wanted to do?
The veil of
confusion is slightly lifted with the help of Richard Farley. After a
face-to-face meeting between Scott Jones and presidential science
advisor Gibbons, Farley discovered a transcript of a phone
interview between Scott Jones and Dr.
Ronald Pandolfi at the CIA, “discussing Pandolfi’s (and the CIA’s)
role in supporting Gibbons’ response to the Rockefeller ‘UFO’ Initiative".
Farley wrote in his April 28, 1995 letter to Gibbons that Scott Jones’
former executive assistant told him “Jones routinely ‘bugged’ Pandolfi’s
calls.” Farley further stated that the attached transcript was given to
him by Jones “for purposes which were not clear to me then, nor presently;
I sent it to the FBI and CIA months ago.”
According to the
transcript of the April 15 telephone call, Pandolfi confirmed he had been
contacted by the White House. He told Jones:
“We [the CIA]
had been tasked a couple of days before the proposed visit of Laurance
Rockefeller with the White House Science Advisor, to provide a briefing
update to him – and we didn’t do that. Instead we tasked our friend Dr.
Maccabee to do it. He did an excellent job… Gibbons said that he had
gotten a one page input from Rockefeller indicating what the subject was
going to be, and he didn’t have any background on it, claimed that he
had never heard of MJ-12, or things like that, and so he contacted our
representative over there and asked whether we could provide some
support.”
“Instead we
tasked our friend Dr. Maccabee to do it.”
Maccabee
had been hanging around the CIA for a very long time. In fact, Ron
Pandolfi’s predecessor at the CIA, Christopher C. “Kit” Green, had
spoken to Bruce Maccabee in 1979. Kit had apparently stated that the CIA
files might contain as many as 15,000 UFO-related files, of which two or
three thousand were really interesting. Back in the 1980s, UFO researcher
Bill Moore had also described Kit Green as “a person close to the
President of the United States, capable of checking on information to
determine its reliability.” It is remarkable that of all UFO researchers,
Maccabee and Moore seemed to be prominent visitors of the CIA “Weird
Desk”, as the likes of Green and Pandolfi were known.
In this
scenario, few possible explanations make sense. Either the Weird
Desk has such documents in their possession, but then the question is
why full disclosure did not come about – noting that various channels and
opportunities existed in the past decades to get the “truth” about the
Contact Scenario out. The other scenario is that someone has been
playing games – psychological warfare.
This, and other "UFO
incidents", did not evolve around whether or not UFOs were alien
spacecraft, or, whether or not, ET crashed in Roswell and the Air Force
put his tiny, grey body on ice. The UFO psychological warfare was a
display by a small group of people, who pretended to have a big secret; a
big secret they pretended to have the power to shield from the public as a
whole, and the President and his entourage in specific. It was a mechanism
whereby even the President was led to believe there were men somewhere in
his government whom he had to fear tremendously.
The latter was
true - but not because they were in possession of alien beings. In truth,
it was - and is - nothing more than an exercise in power, in which a myth
was created, then promoted, then apparently covered-up, even though each
cover-up was a confirmation of the existence of the myth, so that we would
believe. In truth, it was an empty secret...
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